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Author: sherrina

Sabra and Shatila massacre

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Post time 22-10-2006 03:40 PM | Show all posts
i  get to know bout sabra&shatila kira lambat ah...after the 9/11...masa 2 suma org mcm blame islam as terrorist..but then again,ramai  x tau kekejaman yg ditanggung oleh rakyat islam di palestin. Imagine 40 years tak bley nak jejak tanah air sendiri. After i knew, i did a presentation bout  sabra&shartila masaTITAS..and actually ramai orang Islam tak tau pon pasal sabra&shatila nie...suma tak perna sedar saudara kita pernah ditindas sebegitu rupa...i think our duty is to tell others bout this..supaya bley amik iktibar dari peristiwa nie...
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 Author| Post time 22-10-2006 09:27 PM | Show all posts
power,
sherrina pun tatau kisah tu. lepas dgr lagu Zubir Ali baru terpikir nak cari info. Ingatkan kes mcm ni bermula masa zaman peperangan Bosnia-Serbia. Rupanya awal dulu lagi dah ada
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Post time 26-10-2006 01:48 PM | Show all posts
Originally posted by sherrina at 11-10-2006 11:51 PM
thanks deaf, baru sherrina tau coz masa mende ni berlaku sherrina baru berusia 2 tahun. Dengar lagu Zubir Ali aje dah sebak.

Berapa lama kes ni berlaku? Massacre tu kita mcm pembersihan etnik k ...



kalo ko interested, bleh masuk porum lebanon ni, ada satu thread pasal Sabra Shatila selepas 22 tahun kemudian

http://www.lebanese-forces.org/v ... efd64d3a&t=7294
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Post time 26-10-2006 01:58 PM | Show all posts
Originally posted by sherrina at 12-10-2006 06:10 PM
what happened to the place now?

ni tulisan orang peranchis ni tentang tempat tu bila dia gi sana tahun 2002


TWENTY YEARS AFTER THE MASSACRES AT SABRA AND SHATILA
The past is always present
The massacres in the refugee camps of Sabra and Shatila in Lebanon in 1982, when hundreds of civilians were butchered by rightwing militia, remain crucial events in the history of the Palestinian people.

By Pierre P閍n

TWENTY years have passed, but re-read the accounts (1) or speak to survivors in what remains of the Sabra and Shatila refugee camps, and the words still drip red. Time has not washed away the blood. All through my investigation I was horrified as I listened to story after story about children with their throats slit, or pregnant women with their bellies slashed open, or heads and limbs hacked off. I felt physically sick.

I did not approach what remains of the Sabra and Shatila camps through the main entrance but via a dirty district on the periphery, home to new, mostly Asian, arrivals. I entered the main street that once linked Gaza hospital, which no longer exists, to the main entrance near the Kuwaiti embassy. The embassy stands out, incongruously luxurious, as is the nearby sports centre where Palestinian and Lebanese adults who escaped the massacre were questioned.

People now made their way to the camp between shops and stalls selling fruit, CDs, new and second-hand goods, cars, scooters.

How do you select between direct and indirect witnesses to the massacres? Their voices subdued, they brought alive the scenes of September 1982.

Um Shawki, 52, lost 17 members of her family, including a 12-year-old son and her husband. She lived in the Bir Hassan district near the Kuwaiti embassy. After 1982, she moved with her 12 surviving children to the main street in Shatila and lives on the fourth floor of a poorly constructed building. Her apartment is clean; artificial flowers complement its soft furnishings and pictures are stuck or nailed to the walls, of Al Quds (Jerusalem) and the Hamas flag. She does not belong to Hamas: "I don抰 belong to any organisation. I would only join when I was sure of the outcome." And her children? "I don抰 want them to sacrifice themselves for anything, but on the day I am certain of getting my revenge, I抣l encourage them and be at their side."

Day and night she revisits the memories of the corpses, the mutilated bodies, the husband and son she never saw again, and whose fate she never knew. The colours of her room do not brighten her sombre dress and eyes. She is unsmiling. She becomes angry, though she does not raise her voice, as she relives her family抯 second tragedy, the first being their departure in 1948 from Tarisha, a village near Haifa. "Someone knocked at the door and said: 扺e are Lebanese, we have come to search for weapons
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Post time 26-10-2006 01:59 PM | Show all posts
sambungan atas


The same story
There is nothing new in these accounts. They are like those that Leila Shahid, the Palestinian representative to France and one of the first to enter the camps after the massacres, collected alone, or with Jean Genet. Within memory, they also tally with the accounts of the English, Norwegian, Swedish, Finnish, German, Irish and American members of the medical team at Gaza hospital, and those recorded by many journalists.

Elias Khoury, a Lebanese writer and dramatist (3), argues passionately that it is impossible for the Palestinian people to turn the past, and the Sabra and Shatila massacres, into a memory. "The normal process of memory does not work with the Palestinians because the massacres continue: Deir Yassine, Qibya (4), Sabra and Shatila and now Jenin. They cannot look to the past because the past is still the present. Since 1948 they have been caught in a cycle of hell. The Palestinians are the victims of the Israeli government抯 policy of orchestrated Shoah. Ethical standards stop at Israel抯 frontiers. In those circumstances, the idea of the tragedy of Sabra and Shatila becomes marginalised."

So marginalised that, in Lebanon, the issue is taboo. First to be accused was Elie Hobeika (5), who had been a government minister. "The criminals seized power after the war," said Khoury. "The Palestinians have become the scapegoats for the war in Lebanon and are subject here to laws no better than the Vichy government applied to the Jews."

Even the numbers of dead and disappeared remain vague. Estimates range from 500 to 5,000. Bayan Hout has been trying to fill the gap for 20 years. She is Lebanese, born in Jerusalem where she lived until she was nine; she is a historian and lecturer at the University of Beirut. She has closely questioned the families of the victims and the disappeared, analysed hundreds of questionnaires, crosschecked lists of humanitarian organisations and the Red Cross, and tried to locate all the cemeteries. She is now sure of her figures: 906 dead of 12 nationalities, half of them Palestinians, and 484 disappeared, 100 of them abducted. That makes 1,490 identified victims.

The massacres and disappearances were part of the war the Israeli government launched on 6 June 1982 to neutralise the Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO). The invasion of Lebanon left more than 12,000 civilians dead, 30,000 wounded and 200,000 homeless.

In mid-June the Israelis began the siege of Beirut and surrounded 15,000 PLO fighters and their Lebanese and Syrian allies. In July US President Ronald Reagan sent Philip Habib, assisted by Morris Draper, to defuse the situation which threatened to ignite the Middle East and damage US interests. It became apparent that the way to resolve the crisis was to get the Palestinian fighters and Yasser Arafat to leave Beirut. Arafat was persuaded that there was no other solution.

The discussions were complicated because the Israelis and Americans did not want to hold direct talks with the Palestinians (6): Elias Sarkis, Lebanon抯 Christian president, and his Sunni prime minister, Shafiq Wazzan, were to act as intermediaries. The Israelis were set on brutal military oppression and on obtaining the total and ignominious surrender of Arafat. Arafat made further concessions and tried to obtain guarantees of safety for Palestinian families remaining in Lebanon. He feared violence from Israeli soldiers and their Phalangist allies. As far as Arafat was concerned, the guarantees had to be given by the Americans and the international community.

Habib finally obtained an assurance from the Israeli prime minister that his soldiers would not enter West Beirut or attack the Palestinians in the camps; an assurance from Lebanon抯 future prime minister, Bashir Gemayel, that the Phalangists would not move; and an assurance from the Pentagon that US Marines would be the ultimate guarantors of those commitments. On the strength of those promises, Habib gave a written undertaking on civilian safety. Two letters were addressed to the Lebanese prime minister. The US undertaking was contained in the fourth clause of the agreement on the PLO抯 departure, published by the US, the day before the first Palestinian fighters left (7).

But Arafat was increasingly worried about the fate of the Palestinian civilians. Habib (8) again approached Gemayel, who renewed his promise. He stressed the role of the multinational force of 800 French, 500 Italians and 800 Americans. The first (French) contingent arrived to supervise the evacuation and collection of weapons. The force was to remain for about 30 days, prevent any untoward action and protect Palestinian families. Finally Arafat agreed to leave Beirut.

No one kept their word
But no one kept their word. Starting with the US. Defence Secretary Casper Weinberger, who ordered the Marines to leave Lebanon even as the Christian militiamen were taking up positions in the Bir Hassan district around the Sabra and Shatila camps. The American departure triggered the departure of the French and Italians. On 10 September the last soldier left Beirut, but the Habib plan had been based on evacuation between 21 and 26 September. When Bashir Gemayel, now Lebanese president, brought to power by the Israelis, was assassinated, Ariel Sharon used this as a pretext to invade West Beirut, surround the Sabra and Shatila camps and encourage the Lebanese militia to a cleansing operation.

To this day, there has been only one official enquiry, that of the Israeli Commission chaired by Yitzhak Kahan, president of the Supreme Court, published in 1983. It points the finger at the Phalangists and, to a lesser degree, Ariel Sharon. The report first speaks of a grave mistake by Sharon, who failed to exercise supervision and prevent the massacres. It describes it as "puzzling" that Sharon did not in any way make Menachem Begin "privy to the decision to have the Phalangists enter the camps". It concludes that "responsibility has to be imputed to him for not ordering appropriate measures for preventing or remedying the danger of massacres". Sharon, it said, bore "personal responsibility" and must draw the personal conclusions.

Israeli newspapers have published a number of articles confirming and reinforcing those conclusions, in particular in 1994. Relying on official documents, Amir Oren wrote in Davar in July 1994 that the massacres were part of a plan decided upon between Sharon and Gemayel. They used the Israeli secret services, headed by Abraham Shalom, who was ordered to exterminate all terrorists. The Lebanese militiamen were simply agents in the chain of command that led, via the secret services, to the Israeli authorities.

The BBC抯 Panorama programme, "The Accused", broadcast in June 2001, further illuminated the events, particularly the evidence of Morris Draper, Habib抯 assistant, which is hardly open to challenge. Reminded of Sharon抯 claims that he could not predict what was to happen in the camps, Draper commented "compete and utter nonsense". He told of a meeting at the defence ministry in Tel Aviv with Sharon and Arnos Yaron, his chief of staff, on the day when the Israelis had already entered West Beirut, despite their undertaking. Yaron justified that decision, citing the desire to prevent the Phalangists from turning on the Palestinians after the assassination of Gemayel.

Draper said: "The whole group of maybe 20 of us altogether fell silent. It was a dramatic moment." He explained that the US had rejected the Israeli proposal to deploy the Phalangists in West Beirut "because we knew it would be a massacre". He added: "There is no doubt whatsoever that Ariel Sharon was responsible. Well, more Israelis have to share in that responsibility."

The former diplomat was not questioned about US responsibility or that of France and Italy, both of which withdrew troops once the Marines left.

The families of the victims and the disappeared are entitled to the truth, to allow them to complete mourning. And the whole world is entitled to know who organised and perpetrated these acts, and how, and why.
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Post time 26-10-2006 02:17 PM | Show all posts
Jadi kes ni, mahkamah di Belgium nak dakwa Arial Sharon la kan 2001.
Walaupun dia tak pegi Belgium pun, tapi kalo ada kes mahkamah, dapat la satu dunia tahu punca massacre ni tapi...belum pun kes mahkamah ni nak start dah kematian misteri saksi2 untuk kes mahkamah Arial Sharon yang didakwa kepala untuk massacre ni.



dekni ngah naik range rover dia ngan bodyguard dia dua, sekali tu ada keta mercedez kat tepi jalan meletup bila keta dekni lalu. Mati ah semua.
ELIE HOBEIKA: Bomb
The explosives, in a parked Mercedes, demolished Hobeika's Range Rover as it drove by. Three other people in the car including two bodyguards, were killed. The immediate area was filled with wrecked cars and burning buildings.




dekni lak, tak pernah sakit jantung, tiba2 kena heart attack waktu dia driving, dekat je ngan tempat dektu kat atas kena bom minggu sebelum tu.

Mr Ghanem: Heart attack
Once Hobeika's political deputy, died only four days before Hobeika.is rumored to have held documents that his former boss intended to present to Belgian lawyers in their attempt to indict Mr Sharon for his involvement in the massacre in which up to 1,700 Palestinian civilians were killed.
But on New Year's Day, Mr Ghanem, who was only 56 and with no history of heart problems, drove his car into a tree in the suburb of Hazmieh
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Post time 26-10-2006 02:23 PM | Show all posts
gambo2 lagik...




lagi gambo



lagik





lain kali sambung ek
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Post time 26-10-2006 02:27 PM | Show all posts
Originally posted by powerpuff_gurl at 22-10-2006 03:40 PM
i  get to know bout sabra&shatila kira lambat ah...after the 9/11...masa 2 suma org mcm blame islam as terrorist..but then again,ramai  x tau kekejaman yg ditanggung oleh rakyat islam di palest ...



benda2 macam ni, selalu lebih kat mulut orang sampaikan je la...
kalo nak ikutkan, orang Iraq skarang pun kena tindas abis, tapi apa bleh buat... kita bukan nampak pun kesusahan dorang kan.

lain la kalo yang kontrol mass media dunia ni orang yang adil, kalo orang yang tak adil, berita2 dalam dunia ni semua berat sebelah, dan jugak suka hati la editor berita tu nak tayang apa pun, ikut telunjuk tuan dia.

sebab tu kena banyak carik berita dari macam2 tempat je, kalo dapat berita dari satu sudut jek, kita takkan tahu apa2
kalo dah tau, kita kongsi.
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Post time 26-10-2006 02:29 PM | Show all posts
Originally posted by sherrina at 22-10-2006 09:27 PM
power,
sherrina pun tatau kisah tu. lepas dgr lagu Zubir Ali baru terpikir nak cari info. Ingatkan kes mcm ni bermula masa zaman peperangan Bosnia-Serbia. Rupanya awal dulu lagi dah ada



bosnia serbia tu kat Eropah, yugoslavia berpecah tu...

tu pun rabak jugak, aku dengar orang islam kena siksa pakai blow torch. Ko tahu blow torch tu, yang cam penyembur api buat / welding  besi tu...dia gi sembur kat badan orang :siok:
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Post time 26-10-2006 02:33 PM | Show all posts
gambo lagi sikit lagik



dan lagik

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Post time 26-10-2006 06:19 PM | Show all posts
Originally posted by deaf4ever at 26-10-2006 02:29 PM



bosnia serbia tu kat Eropah, yugoslavia berpecah tu...

tu pun rabak jugak, aku dengar orang islam kena siksa pakai blow torch. Ko tahu blow torch tu, yang cam penyembur api buat / welding  ...


dan tahanan wanita dirogol oleh yahudi berkulit hitam..... :geram:
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Post time 14-11-2006 03:49 AM | Show all posts
sian ye..aku pun baru tau..

yang perang kat lebanon baru2 ni ada kene ngene dgn hal ni ke?
aku tengok org2 kat lebanon tu boleh tahan sosialnyer..tak mcm dulu..
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Post time 30-3-2007 11:47 AM | Show all posts
  kejam nya yahudi laknat......
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Post time 31-3-2007 02:13 AM | Show all posts
terima kasih kawan-kawan ku...
sebab bg aku kesedaran.
mungkin sebab sifat ignorant aku ni, aku tak tahu langsung pasal peristiwa ni....
tetiba jer aku sayu tengah malam2 buta ni....
mesti malam ni aku susah nak tido.
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